Kitayanka and brazil’yanka. The appearance of a non-standard model of Russian feminine ethnonyms

Abstract

Russian feminine ethnonyms are typically formed using the suffix -k(a)-: nemets – nemka, armenin – armianka, tajik – tajikchka. However, several dozen such terms feature the suffix -ank(a)/-enk(a)/-yank(a): grek – grechanka, frantsuz – frantsuzhenka. The article describes the generating process of such a formant, which emerged at the turn of the 18^th – 19^th centuries. It demonstrates that featurig such suffix in modern feminine ethnonyms results from two distinct processes. Some words are formed directly with its help including rare and optional forms like vepsyanka (from veps). Others were originally formed with the standard suffix -k(a)- from ethnonyms that were subsequently replaced by a short variant – for example, cherkeshenka derives from the attested but now obsolete cherkeshenin, which was displaced by the shorter synonym cherkes. The study considers the factors behind the emergence of that new derivational formant and identifies its usage patterns, including articulatory and semantic motivations. The choice of the suffix helps avoid two types of speech difficulties: consonant cluster accumulation (since it begins with a vowel, cf. vepsyanka vs. vepska) and homonymy between ethnonyms and names of inanimate objects (cf. kitayanka vs. kitayka). The analysis concludes that the rise of such a formant is systemically determined within the framework of its respective derivational category.