The article presented the study of the narrative structure of the non-fiction folklore. The material for the analysis is the corpus of the mythological narratives recorded during the folklore and anthropological expeditions to the Russian North (Arkhangelsk and Vologda regions) undertaken at the end of the 20^th and the beginning of the 21^st centuries. The communicative analysis of this corpus revealed that a large part of stories has a specific composition. These stories look like a play, performed by the narrator "by roles". They present themselves a consequence of replicas of participants of events. We focused on the composition, where those replicas cite the "first story" about this event performance. The "first story" is addressed by the "percipient" (person who was involved into a mythological events) to a so called "confidant" (person who can interpret supernatural experience). Confidant's response is both an interpretation and a nomination of supernatural events. This expert's opinion determine the work of percipient's experiencing. We conclude that the specific narrative composition with the "first story" citation revealed the collective character of the existential experience (loss of loved ones, life critical situations) in a folklore nonfiction narrative.

This paper appeals to the identification problem of used in spontaneous speech utterance as proverbial. In author's opinion, it is not fixation in dictionaries that sets proverbiality of a statement but certain features and conditions (constants and conventions), that take part in creating proverbial performance.

Special attention is devoted to communication constants, credibility and truth. 'Straight' organization (parallelism, metaphoricity, rhythm, rhymesets, etc.) sets credulity of proverbs. By the way, such structuredness provides another constant truth, which is enforced and in-demand at the same time. Because of well-established opinion of proverbs (they are the voice of the people and mirror of folk wisdom), they sound persuasive and do not need evidence while used in speech. Nevertheless, contradiction both in the situation of using proverbs and in the proverbial space itself argues seeming of truth. Despite this, communication constants the author is saying about let proverbial performance happen.

Communication conventions, in their turn, appear in the speaker's possibility of using a proverb in place, that is of matching elements of textual reality with elements of situation. Such opportunity is connected with understanding semantics of proverbial utterances themselves. It is important to take into account that social factors regulate their using too.

The Nganasans (previously called the Samoyeds or the Tawhiti) are an indigenous Samoyedic people inhabiting the Taymyr Peninsula in north Siberia. The 2010 Russian census counted 862 Nganasans living in Russia. The Nganasans are thought to be the descendants of Paleo-Siberian peoples who were culturally assimilated by Samoyedic peoples. The Nganasans were traditionally a nomads whose main form of subsistence was wild reindeer hunting. They lived relatively independently, until the 1950-1960s when they were settled in the villages they live in today (Ust-Avam, Volochanka, Novaya), which are at the southern edges of the Nganasans' historical nomadic routes. The traditional religion of the Nganasans is shamanism, it has remained relatively free of Russian influence due to the Nganasans' geographic isolation until recent history.

Nganasan culture and shamanism has been well researched in 1920-1990s by Russian ethnologists Andrey Popov, Boris Dolgikh, Yuriy Simchenko, Galina Gracheva, Eugen Helimski and others. The most studied is the shamanic tradition of Ngamtusuo (Kosterkiny) clan. After the death of two last shamans from Ngamtusuo clan, brothers Demnime (1913-1980) and Tubyaku (1921-1989), Nganasan shamanic tradition disappeared. One can listen shamanic ritual chants only in the performance of national folk group ("folklore on stage"). Why did it happen? What are the internal and external causes of the disappearance of the shamanic tradition? May be the cause is the influence of Russian culture, linguistic and cultural assimilation? Or the fight against religion during the Soviet era? I argue that there are a number of reasons, and the main factor is the change in the type of economy and, accordingly, lifestyle. It happened in the 1950-1960s, when the Soviet government massively resettled semi-nomadic hunters in villages.

This paper is dedicated to proverbs in the texts of the Yakut heroic epic Olonkho. The author depicts the most commonly found proverbs, analyzes their semantics and ways of embedding in the narrative text. The functions of proverbs are traced both at the level of the speech acts modeled in the plots and at the narrative level. It is asserted that the high frequency of proverbs in the texts of this epic genre is connected to the inherent desire of Olonkho singers to archaize the speech of the characters. The paper is based on the corpus of texts which includes practically all the plots of Yakut epics published to date and is, it seems, representative of the genre as a whole.

The article considers the search queries containing the phrase "what does dream mean" (or similar phrases) which were made by Internet users from Poltava region (the material for the analysis was obtained using a tool "Keyword Planner" in Google AdWords). In the light of the hypothesis that cultural notions about the rules of dream interpretation influence how a user formulates a web search query about meaning of a dream, the content of search queries has been compared with the records of interviews (oral dream books and prophetic dream narratives) conducted in the same region (2012-2018). In the article are revealed correlations and discrepancies between texts of web search queries (frequently searched items) and popular symbols of oral dream books or frequently recorded motives of prophetic dreams narratives.

Astrology is often regarded as untrue and is classified as a pseudoscience. However, astrology is a highly developed system of knowledge in which deductions, namely predictions that rely upon strong possibilities, are made. Moreover, it occurs in a reciprocal dialogue between the astrologer (observer), the chart holder (observed) and the more-than-human world. In the particular Turko-Muslim cosmology, this more-than-human world coincides with the realm of celestial bodies that are constituted of angels, letters, Divine Names, fragrances and numbers. The practice of astrology is the reading of this written script of planetary symbols and the therewith associated speech act. The speech act is very central to the practice of astrology and urges vigilance from all concerned individuals because the realm of astrology presupposes a world that speaks and listens. This research paper investigates what happens when astrology is being spoken within the particular case study of the School of Astrology in Istanbul (Turkey) and examines 3 cultural entities (speech, gaze, intention) that interact with animate charts and destinies. Moreover, this research paper aims to demonstrate how ethnographic work can enhance the study of knowledge systems.

The article provides an overview of the monuments, which are erected on the territory of Crimean peninsula after its accession to Russia in 2014. In a few years a lot of monuments and memorable signs have appeared on the territory of Crimea Republic and the city of Sevastopol. This activity has a specific purpose. Erecting of monuments is considered in the article as an ideological action focused on symbolical fixing of Crimea as a part of Russia, especially in terms of justification of historical rights of Russia to this region. Herewith representatives of the government authority and benefactors and activists who collaborate with them follow their own vision of Russian history and history of Crimea choosing historical figures and events to erect a monument. Thus, the analysis of historical themes and figures selected for erecting monuments aims to reconstruct of historical ideas and predilections of Russian political establishment and to characterize politics of memory which is realized in the region.

The rapidly developing urban environment impacts on the children's community of the city on the formation of their habits, communicative skills, social phobias and interactions with space. In order to explore the degree to which the environment influences the individual, the paper attempts to provide an analytical comparison of two generations of Muscovites: the contemporary children and teenagers, on the one hand, and those whose childhood years were in the mid and late 20th century, on the other. The subject of this analysis are characters (types) of yard space that cause them the most negative emotions, in one way or another related to the categories of fear (among them: neighbors, teenagers, janitors, homeless people). As the study shows, the phobias in the contemporary world are largely related to the changed attitudes to old realities, rather than to the emergence of new ones. In addition, these four groups of characters are united by one apparently important feature: for a child they are carriers of different types of "otherness": neighbors another family, teenagers other age, janitors another nation, homeless other social status.

The following article is dedicated to cultural boundaries as they were perceived by immigrants to Great Britain (Aberdeen, Scotland), and how their perception was released in the context of everyday clothing choice. The material for this research are interviews recorded in 2017 with 8 people from different countries. The central point is focused on narratives representing informants' notion of stylistic differences between a donor country and a recipient country as well as changes in everyday personal choice of clothes which happened after informant's change of place of residence. The aim of the article is to show how common knowledge developed in a place of origin presents itself in the context of "other" culture. A problem of everyday reality is also discussed in the following research. The analysis has resulted into the assumption that there are unspoken rules shaped by significant others' and social institutes' influence on informant in a place of origin that lie beneath unconscious recognition of "inside" and "outside" appearance. Also, illustrated with concrete examples, it has resulted into the proof of existence of such norms.

During all its history (since the debut of Superman in 1938), American superhero comics used stereotypical images and repeating elements while constructing the plot. Moreover, some of the stories about heroes and villains can be represented schematically as a limited number of stages used to resolve a conflict, not unlike V. Ya. Propp's analysis of a fairy tale representing a plot as a sequence of functions for characters. This article will cover the plot development stages of a superhero comic book (from the initial situation to the victory of a hero), and some exceptions and deviations from the scheme as well. The frontier of the Silver and Bronze Ages of comics, precisely 1960-70s, was chosen as a time period for the analysis. During the first half of this period, comics were still relatively static and unvarying, but by the end of the period the transformations became more apparent, defining the directions for the future development of the genre.